By Joe Pemagbi
Democracy is about giving everybody a chance to be heard in the way the affairs of a country are run, not only in the transition of power. This means, citizens are not just voting machines brought out at election time.
Democracy is preferred to other forms of governance for several reasons, but principally because it is supposed to provide space for the articulation of ideas and ensure a fertile ground for a multiplicity of public policies in an environment characterized by regular transfer and change of political power.
It contributes to reducing the centralization of political power, influences and assures pluralism, in the sense that no individual or groups of individuals should have a monopoly of power over others; and finally, it promotes the notion of leadership as a service and upends existing doctrines of political leaders being the be-all and end-all.
Sierra Leone’s Democratic Project
Interrogating the payback or dividend of Sierra Leone’s democracy is informed by the 1991 Constitution which states in Chapter II, section 5 (2) (a) of the Constitution of Sierra Leone that “sovereignty belongs to the people of Sierra Leone from whom Government through this Constitution derives all its powers, authority and legitimacy;
The democratic dividend is expected to include the space for citizens’ participation in governance process, the provision of basic social services like pipe-borne water supply, affordable healthcare, quality education and protecting the rights of every citizen.
The findings of the Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) Report on the major causes of the civil conflict remind us that among other things “the post-independence period …reflect an extraordinary failure of leadership on the part of all those involved in government, public life and civil society… and that the central cause of the war was endemic greed, corruption and nepotism that deprived the nation of its dignity and reduced most people to a state of poverty..”. Despite this sharp reminder, we do not seem to have learnt lessons.
Sierra Leone’s democratic trajectory has been jagged and plagued by several structural impediments. These “systemic trappings” – mentioned above in the TRC report almost two decades ago have had far-reaching implications on the nation’s stability and development. Over a decade and a half later, Sierra Leone is still caught in a web trying to overcome the consequences of its self-destruction and achieve the dividends of democracy.
The democratic institutions including the Human Rights Commission, National Electoral Commission, Anti-Corruption Commission established to promote accountable governance, implement policies and protect the rights of citizens have come under intense scrutiny. They are the permanent stabilizing pillars of democracy and the engine for development strides.
Successive governments since Sierra Leone’s independence have however deliberately sought ways of undermining the independence of the institutions by either dismissing or refusing to renew the contracts of officials from institutions such as the Anti-Corruption Commission, the Central Bank and the Human Rights Commission with approved tenures as provided for in either the Constitution or statutory instruments establishing them.
This is primarily because the main political parties continue to conceptualize national institutions from a political and self-interest prism. This trend must change so as to guarantee the independence of institutions, security of tenure and institutional autonomy under all circumstances by sparing them political interference or overbearing influence.
State vs Party Politics
A cursory look at the mandates of the various institutions reveals a disturbing trajectory that undermines our democracy. This is primarily because of the blurred lines between political party and state loyalty. Consequently, Sierra Leone has experienced instances when our governments have appointed senior party members to manage Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs). The adoption of the Spoils System or patronage gives priority to party loyalty and commitment to the leadership over competence. It also compromises institutional independence, which has had a debilitating personnel turnover effect on governance infrastructure of the state and destabilized institutional performance and strengthening efforts.
Service Delivery –
Citizens go to the polls expecting the government to provide access to affordable healthcare, education, water and sanitation for all Sierra Leoneans. UNFPA says Sierra Leone has one of the highest maternal mortality ratios in the world, estimated at 1,165 deaths per 100,000 live births, and one in 17 women bear a lifetime risk of dying during pregnancy and childbirth. The UN body also gives a chilling figure that Sierra Leone has very high child, infant, and neonatal mortality rates: 156, 92, and 39 per 1,000 live births, respectively.
Almost sixty years after independence our governments continue to boast about providing boreholes for citizens in the capital, Freetown, while those who can afford it fly across West Africa, especially Ghana and Senegal to seek medical attention leaving those who give them the power to languish without good facilities.
The recently launched Medium -Term national Development Plan 2019 suggests that the six-month sample data from the 2018 Sierra Leone Integrated Household Survey reveals that income poverty is still high, especially in rural areas, and paints a grim picture that the overall poverty headcount ratio of the country is 57 percent, while the population in extreme poverty is 10.8 percent. These are clear indicators that Sierra Leoneans are yet to pass the crucial poverty threshold.
Citizens' Participation in a a democracy
Citizens’ rights to protest and petition policies is a fundamental democratic value that has come under scrutiny in Sierra Leone since independence. Sierra Leone’s 1965 Public Order Act has been used by every government since the birth of multiparty democracy to censor the views of citizens. This provision jeopardizes citizens’ freedom of expression provided in Section 25 of the Constitution of Sierra Leone, 1991. President Bio’s commitment to repeal Part V of the Public Order Act is a commendable stride. It is essential for citizens to be part of this reform project. Coupled with this is urgent need for a systematic approach to women’s empowerment and participation. Increasing women’s participation by fulfilling SLPP’s manifesto promise of 30% quota representation of women in elective and appointive positions, amongst other things, could be instrumental in empowering women.
Parliamentary Accountability
The role of the Legislature in ensuring the democratic dividend is sacrosanct. The legislature has a crucial role to play - not just as lawmakers but the very supreme authority of providing oversight for government agencies and all facets of society. This institution comprises the country’s body politic who must be seen to be upholding the moral values and conscience in the interest of their constituents, the majority of whom live in abject poverty.
Sadly, over the years there have been allegations of compromise of these responsibilities and values that they must embody. For instance, the hasty passage of laws and ratification of agreements in seeming complicity with the executive, putting party loyalty above national loyalty has been a worrying trend. This seems to be inspired by Section 77(k) of the 1991 constitution which allows for the removal from the House of a Member of Parliament who they allege to be working counter to the dictates of their political party’s interest. This provision begs the question of national accountability. Who do you owe your allegiance to – your party or the citizens who voted for you or the country?
Constitutional Review Process
Almost two years down the line we are yet to see a clear roadmap that demonstrates the government’s preparedness to re-open the constitutional review process. The constitution must be reviewed to meet current realities and the aspirations of the nation. It must put us along the path for human rights protection, active citizens’ participation in governance and peace and sustainable development. The new Constitution must outlive the life of any political party in power. A reopened process must be targeted and thematically driven to save the state and donors from investing in a completely new process. Such a process must be a foundation for the active participation of the citizenry and renewal and redefinition of national purpose.
Prospects
While we continue to hobble along our democratic path, we remain hopeful for a turnaround. Ploughing the democratic dividend will remain a farce in an environment where the institutions allow the powerful to engage in activities that puncture their credibility.
The picture is not all that gloomy. The increasing level of citizens’ awareness gives us some hope that Sierra Leone will never be the same, no matter what. However, a vibrant civil society complementing state civic education actors beyond providing information awareness by no means equates with conscientization. Information provided should give a human face to democracy – information must be presented in a way that the citizens can connect with and believe that it reflects their plight.
The campaign promise on education is a positive stride. The government’s Free Quality School Education (FQSE) is a bold project that must be supported by all citizens. The Ministry of Basic and Secondary School Education and local councils must be active participants in this marriage to contribute to nation building. The citizens must own the initiative by monitoring the process at every step from procurement of materials to delivery to the target communities.
The national reorientation promised by the National Peace and Cohesion conference held this year is a platform worthy of citizens’ support. However, the government should rationalize institutions serving similar purposes to enhance their impact and increase citizens’ involvement in civic education processes across the country.
Conclusion
While the country tries to consolidate the hard-earned democracy, it also struggles with taking progressive steps in the growth and pace of good governance strides. There seems to be a cyclical nature of bad precedents with every change of power. A crucial step in moving forward is an improvement in citizens’ involvement beyond the participation in an election and towards the interrogation of policies and increase accountability on the side of duty bearers devoid of party alliances. Unfortunately, this cannot happen without massive citizens’ awareness and conscientization. This is central in all the issues highlighted above. Furthermore, the growth of Sierra Leone’s democracy is greatly hinged on an inclusive Constitutional Review that is tailored for our context, embodies citizens’ interest and priorities and at the same time is inclusive of lessons learned in our democratization trajectory. Sierra Leone and its sovereignty belongs to Sierra Leoneans and this should be reflected in the way every government conducts its affairs, formulates policies and accounts for its stewardship.
Joe Pemagbi is the Sierra Leone Country Officer of the Open Society Initiative for West Africa (OSIWA).
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